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This page considers 'move-on' orders, ie directions by police or other officials requiring people to leave a public place.

It covers -

subsection heading icon    introduction

'Move-on' powers in Australia, New Zealand, Canada and the UK predate the establishment of contemporary police forces. They derive from common law in which representatives of the state were authorised to order people to leave a public place - such as a street, park or village commons - because those people were undesirable or perceived as likely to commit an offence such as burglary or prostitution. Refusal to obey the order has typically been a criminal offence under the summary offences regime.

The authorisation is concerned with power (or discipline), suspicion and appearance rather than proof that an individual has committed a specific crime or has been apprehended while engaged in an offence.

The authorisation intersects with expectation - in common law and among the community - that people are free to traverse "the king's highway" and other public roads or spaces without permission from the state and at a 'reasonable' pace, subject to that travel not seriously impeding other travellers or involving another offence.

Bureacratisation of street life over the past 200 years has seen incorporation of move-on powers in a range of statute law concerned with -

  • public order (eg addressing demonstrations and marches),
  • traffic management (eg the NSW Traffic Regulations of 1937 regarding people loitering in the street and thereby causing "inconvenience" to others)
  • social welfare (eg management of begging) and
  • moral regulation (eg restrictions on prostitution and sexual activity in public or quasi-public spaces).

Those powers have proved useful in directly addressing (effectively or otherwise) substantive concerns such as violent protests and indirectly addressing concerns such as drug trafficking, 'kerb crawling' and teenage gangs.

In New South Wales for example the move on powers in section 197 of the Law Enforcement (Powers and Responsibilities) Act 2002 (NSW) empower a police officer to give 'directions' to persons in public places in certain circumstances.

The officer must believe, on reasonable grounds, that the person's conduct -

(a) is obstructing another person or persons or traffic, or
(b) constitutes harassment or intimidation of another person or persons, or
(c) is causing or likely to cause fear to another person or persons, so long as the relevant conduct would be such as to cause fear to a person of reasonable firmness, or
(d) is for the purpose of unlawfully supplying, or intending to unlawfully supply, or soliciting another person or persons to unlawfully supply, any prohibited drug, or
(e) is for the purpose of obtaining, procuring or purchasing any prohibited drug that it would be unlawful for the person to possess.

The belief in relation to (c) does not require proof that "another person" be present or that "another person" actually is present.

Under section 201 of the same Act the officer must supply his/her identification (eg a name or identity number).

Section 4 of the Crime Prevention Powers Act 1998 (ACT) specifies -

1) This section applies if there are reasonable grounds for a police officer to believe that a person in a public place has engaged, or is likely to engage, in violent conduct in that place.
2) The police officer may direct the person to leave the vicinity of the public place.
3) The direction may be made subject to either or both of the following conditions:
(a) if the police officer has reasonable grounds for believing that the person is likely to engage in violent conduct while, or immediately after, leaving the vicinity by a particular route - that the person leave the vicinity by a different route (whether the route is stated or unstated);
(b) that the person not return to the vicinity for a stated period of not longer than 6 hours.

subsection heading icon    criticisms

In practice move-on orders are a blunt, sometimes useful and sometimes abused tool for social regulation. Supporters see the powers as fundamental for reinforcement of police authority and as a viable way of dealing with social concerns such as begging.

Critics note that they -

  • address the crime of being homeless, poor, Aboriginal, mentally ill, of what is perceived as heterodox sexuality or merely young
  • fail to provide a genuine response to urban poverty or psychological problems, instead involving "social sweeping" by simply keeping the underprivileged on the move (an echo of the Tudor state's practice of pushing the indigent from one parish to another)
  • involve subjective assessments of whether someone is "loitering" or improperly associating
  • are on occasion inappropriately deployed to restrict legitimate activity such as Street Photography
  • are rendered unnecessary by discrete provisions in criminal codes (eg section 392 of the Crimes Act 1900 (ACT) dealing with "any person who behaves in a riotous, offensive, insulting or indecent manner") and other legislation (eg the Major Events Security Act 2000 (ACT)).

In Australia for example they have been attacked as providing covert harassment of men visiting gay beats, with reports for example that police have been issuing "directions" that people not return to a park or other location for periods of up to 28 days.

They have also been attacked as embodying traditions of racial discrimination, with Eggington & Allingham for example noting that -

The Aborigines Act 1905 (WA) allowed for designated areas to be declared prohibited to Aboriginal people unless they could show they were in 'lawful employment'. In an amendment to the Act, Perth was made a prohibited area in 1927 and Aboriginal people committed an offence if they came within five kilometres of the city centre after 6 pm.

A Civil Liberties Australia submission to the ACT Legislative Assembly (PDF) noted that

Move-on powers are inherently discretionary and arbitrary. As Simon Bronitt and Bernadette McSherry point out:

the discretionary approach to peace-keeping may be contrasted with the strict approach taken by the courts to the powers of arrest, detention, search and seizure, where the courts have demonstrated considerable vigilance in safeguarding the interests of personal liberty and private property [see Williams v The Queen (1986) 161 CLR 27 and Coco v The Queen (1994) 179 CLR 278]

Mostly, incidents of the exercise of these discretionary powers are never known to courts or review bodies. If a person feels they have been wronged by the unfair exercise of these powers and wants to bring it to a court for appropriate redress, they have to instigate costly actions in tort for trespass against the person. This situation is the opposite of the normal use of police powers: their actions and directives usually entail judicial proceedings, during which the court will become aware of decisions made by police in the exercise of their powers in the circumstances of the case.

Moreover, it is important to note that move-on powers can be coercive and punitive ... the process itself becomes the punishment. Police serve a very important function in our society, often under trying circumstances. But Law Reports are peppered with countless illustrations of inappropriate use of powers by police; in the heat of the moment, with tensions raised, police do use their powers imprudently

subsection heading icon    legislation

The salient legislation in Australia is -

  • Law Enforcement (Powers & Responsibilities) Act 2002 (NSW)
  • Police Powers and Responsibilities Act 2000 (Qld), ss 39 and 445
  • Crime Prevention Powers Act 1998 (ACT)

subsection heading icon    studies

Works on Australian move-on regimes include ''You're Not Welcome Here': Police Move-On Powers and Discrimination Law' by Tamara Walsh & Monica Taylor in 30(1) University of New South Wales Law Journal (2007) 151-173, 'Move on Laws: A New Mechanism for Police Control' by Dennis Eggington & Kate Allingham in 6(23) Indigenous Law Bulletin (2006), 'Moving in the wrong direction: An analysis of police move-on powers in Queensland' by Spooner in 20(1) Youth Studies Australia (2001) 27-31 and 'Olympic Move On Powers: Street Sweeping and the Erosion of Public Space' by Ben Saul in 11(1) Polemic (2000).

Context is provided by Principles of Criminal Law 2 ed (Pyrmont: Lawbook Co 2005) by Simon Bronitt & Bernadette McSherry, Australian Criminal Laws: Critical Perspectives (Oxford: Oxford Uni Press 2004) by McSherry & Bronwyn Naylor, 'Regulating police discretion: An assessment of the impact of the NSW Young Offenders Act 1997' by Chan, Bargen, Luke & Clancey in 28(2) Criminal Law Journal (2004).

Works on regulation of marches, pickets and other assemblies in Australia - such as Dealing with Demonstrations: The Law of Public Protest and Its Enforcement (Leichhardt: Federation Press 2004) by Roger Douglas - are highlighted here. Literature on the regulation of begging is noted here, with comments on the censorship of streetlife here.

For historical perspectives see Governing Morals: A Social History of Moral Regulation (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni Press 1999) by Alan Hunt, An Australian Legal History (Sydney: Law Book Co 1982) by Alex Castles and 'The Historical Antecedents of Contemporary Crime Control' by Lucia Zedner in 46 The British Journal of Criminology (2006) 78-96.



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