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basis
This page considers 'cyberchondria', aka 'internet print
out syndrome' or 'patient printout syndrome'.
It covers -
It
supplements discussion elsewhere on this site regarding
'internet addiction',
search behaviour, computer
rage, anxiety and other aspects of life
online.
introduction
People have been imagining that they afflicted by medical
disorders (or by demons and witches) for as long as there
have been recorded accounts. Hypochondria thus has a long
and fertile history, one that has enriched peddlers of
potions, filled empty hours and provided the inspiration
for authors such as Moliere (La Malade Imaginaire,
1673), Austen (Sanditon, 1817), Jerome (Three
Men in A Boat, 1889) and Mann (Der Zauberberg,
1924).
With normalisation of the online population - and claims
that the internet has particular authority or that 'everything
is online' - it is unsurprising that people have come
to trawl the net for information about ailments, real
or imagined, and for treatments that range from the sensible
(stay warm if you have the flu, seek professional advice
if symptoms persist) to the cruel and bizarre (prune juice
enemas as a 'cure' for AIDS).
That use of the net has been reflected in the emergence
of 'cyberchondria', something that is both a media phenomenon
- always good for a headline or press release - and area
of attention by clinicians, sociologists and students
of digital literacy.
Australian specialist Peter Yellowlees commented
in 2000 that
Cyberchondria
is a syndrome closely related to Internet addiction
disorder that is also becoming increasingly common,
and which occurs in anxious or hypochondriacal patients
who start spending too much time chasing around the
Web searching for information which may make them more
anxious ... I can see no reason to define cyberchondria
as a new form of psychiatric disorder, as it is simply
a modern-day approach taken by those hypochondriacal
patients who in the past have tended to read too many
medical dictionaries.
hypochondria
Characterisations of hypochondria (less pejoratively hypochondriasis)
have varied considerably over past centuries. They are
affected by an individual's role, for example as -
- an
experienced or novice medical practitioner
- the
exasperated parent of a teenager
-
a peeved colleague who considers that a peer is malingering
- an
advocate for an amorphous bundle of disorders such as
Electrical Hypersensitivity Syndrome (EHS)
Classical
medical literature conceptualised hypochondria as an imbalance
of the humors or temperaments, something experienced by
men as that gender's counterpart of hysteria. It has come
to be seen as a psychological disorder, with hypochondriacs
evincing a persistent, unrealistic preoccupation with
the possibility of having a serious disease. Common sensations
and appearances are frequently misinterpreted as abnormal,
life threatening and attributes of pathologies such as
Ebola virus, cancer, diabetes or MS.
Recognition of the disorder is apparent in a range of
major diagnostic manuals. The fourth edition of the US
Diagnostic & Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
(DSM-IV) for example indicates that an unfounded preoccupation
with a non-existent must last at least six months and
result in clinically significant impairment or distress.
Criteria in the tenth revision of the International
Classification of Diseases (ICD-10) merely require
the presence of a persistent belief in at least one serious
physical illness underlying the presenting symptom/s and
persistent refusal to accept reassurance from several
doctors that there is no physical illness.
Contemporary hypochondria has been dismissed as a problem
of psychology, rather than physiology, with claims that
hypochondriacs take refuge in supposed physical disorders
because those disorders - however resistant to detection
- are more acceptable than emotional problems. That acceptability
encompasses the hypochondria and fellow sufferers: family,
colleagues and society at large.
a media phenomenon?
As with much online activity, cyberchondria has proved
to be a rich field for exploitation by the mass media
and by web metrics services, problematizing behaviour
that would not receive much attention if conducted offline
and using definitions that would be laughable if not accepted
uncritically by publishers.
In 2001 for example the UK Observer and New
Zealand Herald for example warned that 'Cyberchondria
Sweeps The Internet' -
Like
hypochondriacs constantly imagining they have various
fatal illnesses, cyberchondriacs declare themselves
outrageously sick after reading medical material on
the Web. Because online drug stores bypass doctors to
deliver drugs, medical professionals are beginning to
take alarm at cyberchondriac behavior.
The
Observer portrayed one cyberchondriac thus -
She
tried to weep quietly, to avoid waking her husband.
But inevitably, eventually, he heard and opened his
eyes to see her in bed beside him, in tears. On the
bedclothes was her laptop computer, its modem connected
to the bedside telephone socket. It had started with
tingling and numbness in her legs. For months she had
searched the web in an attempt to find out what kind
of disease she had. She ended up in a neurological chat
room, and came to a devastating conclusion - she must
have multiple sclerosis. "I was reading what other sufferers
had posted there," she says now. "It sounded exactly
like what I had. I was sure I was dying." Indeed, Melissa
Woyechowsky was ill. Yet she was not manifesting the
early symptoms of MS (exacerbated, she later came to
think, by Lou Gehrig's disease and several other self-diagnosed
maladies). Rather, she was suffering from something
that was already far more advanced. At the age of 30
she was one of the world's first out-of-control cyberchondriacs.
... the internet was like rocket fuel to my hypochondria.
"For 18 months it took over my life," she says. At her
worst, she was spending five hours a day in multiple
sclerosis chat rooms. Her heart was beating so rapidly
she was afraid to drive. After several months, she didn't
want to go out in public. "It just took off to the point
where I wasn't functional. I would visit the same sites
again and again. I was not collecting facts, I was sharing
feelings."
...Three years on, after hefty doses of therapy and
Prozac, she is free of health anxieties "most days."
But elsewhere, cyberchondria is strengthening its grip.
In
2007 US pollster Harris
echoed past media releases with an announcement that the
number of 'cyberchondriacs' seeking health information
on the web had "soared" to about 160 million
in 2006, supposedly a 37% rise over the preceding two
years. Harris claimed
that
Cyberchondriacs
now represent 84 per cent of all online adults, up from
last year's 80 per cent, and 72 per cent in 2005. The
reasons for this increase are that the total number
of Internet users has increased somewhat and the per
cent of people online who have looked for information
has increased as well.
Drawing
on a US telephone poll of 1,010 adults it claimed that
'cyberchondriacs' search the net "almost six times
per month". In reality the count covers anyone who
has ever gone online for health information, a categorisation
so broad as to be of doubtful value. Would you class anyone
who had ever looked at a book for health information -
including at home or at school - as a hypochondriac?
Powell, Darvell & Gray's 2003 'The doctor, the patient
and the world-wide web: how the internet is changing healthcare'
(PDF)
noted that there were
over 16 million active users of the world-wide web in
the UK. This is more than the estimated number of UK
smokers yet little has been done to assess the potential
health impact of the internet. .... Clinicians need
to understand the possibilities of this technology,
and to be aware of potential threats to health. ...
The quality of internet information needs to be examined
in the wider context of imperfect health information
generally, and there is little reason to view the internet
as radically different from other information sources.
While there have been isolated case reports of individuals
coming to harm from information on the internet, there
is no systematic evidence that more harm arises from this
medium than from others.
how many people?
How large is the population of cyberchondriacs? Are there
substantial gender, age, geographical or other differences?
The answer is that no one knows. Uncertainty reflects
disagreement about definitions. The Harris figures for
example do not mesh neatly with the DSM or ICD categorisations
and, broadly, do not appear to have gained much respect
from diagnosticians. Merely looking at a health web page
- or at a magazine article, encyclopedia, family health
primer, leaflet from an advocacy group or television documentary
- does not necessarily require classification of an individual
as a hypochondria.
There is a substantial gap between measurement of audiences
and identification of behaviour. There is a greater gap
in attributing behaviour to exposure to particular media,
with some cyberchondria enthusiasts confusing causation
and correlation.
studies
For introductions to the literature on hypochondria see
Hypochondria: Woeful Imaginations (Berkeley:
Uni of California Press 1988) by Susan Baur and Hypochondriasis:
Modern Perspectives on an Ancient Malady (Oxford:
Oxford Uni Press 2001) edited by Vladan Starcevic &
Don Lipsitt. Questions about contemporary anxieties and
the media are highlighted in The Culture Of Fear:
Why Americans Are Afraid Of The Wrong Thing (New
York: Perseus 2000) by Barry Glassner and Elaine Showalter's
Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture
(New York: Columbia Uni Press 1997).
The postmodern turn is evident in Catherine Belling's
2006 'Hypochondriac Hermeneutics: Medicine and the Anxiety
of Interpretation' in 25 Literature and Medicine
2 (376-401).
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